African Women’s Active Nonvio-lence Initiatives for Social Change (AWANICh), regrets the brutal assault of Madam Aimee- Esperance Matungulu by the Na- tional Police of the Democratic Re- public of Congo.

We condemn this brutality in its entirety and hope that the authorities will stand firm and bring all the identified perpetrators [...]]]>

Women and peace and security is a policy area that has seen unprecedented growth at the global level. The historical adoption of the groundbreaking UNSCR 1325 was followed by four supporting resolutions, namely UNSCR 1820 (June 2008); UNSCR 1888 (September 2009); UNSCR 1889 (October 2009); and UNSCR 1960 (December 2010). These resolutions cover a broad [...]]]> By Mavic Cabrera -Balleza**

Women and peace and security is a policy area that has seen unprecedented growth at the global level. The historical adoption of the groundbreaking UNSCR 1325 was followed by four supporting resolutions, namely UNSCR 1820 (June 2008); UNSCR 1888 (September 2009); UNSCR 1889 (October 2009); and UNSCR 1960 (December 2010). These resolutions cover a broad range of mechanisms related to improving the status of women in conflict affected communities, including:

• the call to Member States to guarantee women’s participation in decision-making on peace and security issues;
• prevention of sexual violence, prosecution of perpetrators of sexual violence;
• strengthening the UN’s commitment to engage women in peace negotiations, in governance, and financing of post conflict recovery and in peacebuilding initiatives;
• establishing monitoring, analysis and reporting arrangements on conflict-related sexual violence;
• the yearly publication of a list of armed groups that target women for sexual abuse; and
• development of indicators to measure progress on implementation of UNSCR 1325.

Regional organisations such as the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) have also adopted WPS policies and advanced the women and peace and security agenda among their member countries.

The AU adopted the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (SDGEA) in July 2004. Through the SDGEA, AU Member States commit to ensure women’s full and effective participation in all peace processes as stipulated in UNSCR 1325, as well as to appoint women as AU Special Envoys and Special Representatives. The EU Political and Security Committee approved the joint document of the Council Secretariat and the Commission: “Comprehensive approach to the EU implementation of the United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1325 and 1820 on women, peace and security” in December 2008.

These developments in international laws, regional and national policies represent a paradigm shift in how the UN and its Member States as well as regional policy structures approach the issue of peace and security from a gender perspective. They have strengthened the normative standards for protection of women and girls’ rights during and after conflict and ensure that their specific needs in the recovery and peacebuilding period are addressed.

However, we all know about the disconnect between policy and implementation. Despite many pronounced policy developments, the implementation of laws that advance the women and peace and security agenda has been slow and unpredictable. UNSCR 1325, which is considered to be the foundation document, is still unknown in many conflict-affected areas. To date, there are only 36 national action plans (NAPs) on UNSCR 1325 (18% of the 193 UN Member States). The ensuing resolutions remain unknown particularly among those who could benefit most from them—women in conflict-affected communities. Impunity towards sexual violence crimes continues. Women are still in the margins with regards decision-making on peace and security issues. They remain under-represented in most governance structures. The Member States’ use of the indicators developed by the UN to track UNSCR 1325 implementation was stalled repeatedly due to concerns by some Member States that the use of indicators would serve only as a “name and shame” exercise.

As of October 2011 Member States are expected to report on selected indicators while a number of indicators will be populated merely on a voluntary basis. In essence, there is as of yet no strong accountability mechanism that would compel Member States to actually implement the resolutions on women and peace and security.

Three out of the 5 SC WPS resolutions focus on sexual violence. Security Council Resolutions 1820, 1888 and 1960 contain the following provisions and messages:

• Establish the use of sexual violence as a method of warfare; Indeed, women’s bodies have become the battlegrounds
• Debunk the myth that women and the violence committed against them are a collateral damage; the resolutions contribute in breaking the silence on sexual violence
• Sexual violence has been a tactic of choice for armed groups –cheaper, more destructive & easier to get away with than other methods of warfare —we hope this will soon end with the adoption and effective implementation of the WPS resolutions
• Ensure UN leadership and coordination to respond to sexual violence
• Raise the political, military and economic cost of such crimes
• Link sexual violence as a tactic of war with the maintenance of international peace and security. It will no longer be possible to portray rape in war as an issue that does not warrant the Security Council’s attention.

However, we women peace activists are concerned that women’s right to full participation in all matters of peace and security is being overlooked as women are increasingly being seen and treated mostly as passive victims of violence and abuse. We believe that it is very important to highlight the fundamental principle of women’s full and equal participation at all levels of decision making as envisaged in Resolution 1325. The previous session on the subject of militarism, violence and conflict pointed out that the scope of UNSCR 1325 is being narrowed down by governments. I cannot agree more and this is especially true when civil society did not participate in national action planning processes. The result is often a peace and security policy that only addresses defense and foreign policy agenda. As a response, we at the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders have embarked in a localization and decentralization strategy through a program called “Local Legislation and 1325.” We bring together local government authorities, community leaders, grassroots women’s organizations and enhance their capacities to use National Action Plans on 1325 to address the root causes of conflict such as inequality and is crimination, injustices, and exploitation of natural resources.

In January 2011, after the adoption of UNSCR 1960, women peace activists and other civil society actors from around the world wrote to the Security Council. We told them: “We cannot pluck rape out of war for our attention and let the war go on. We must be passionate about preventing and stopping wars, and about recognizing the equal right of women to seats at all tables where decisions are made. Rape will be reduced when armed violence is reduced and when women are taken more seriously and treated equally in all decisions regarding their families, communities and society.”

But it’s not only about having women at the decision-making table—women must to be able to shape the table. They must be able to define the peace agenda.

We are also concerned about the fact that some governments are framing conflict as terrorism. This defeats our objective of promoting women’s participation in peace negotiations. Because who negotiates with terrorists? The peace talks in my country the Philippines were stalled for 7 years because the rebel groups were placed on international terrorist lists after 9/11. The impact of governments’ counter-terrorism measures on women and women’s organizations/civil society is also another issue that needs our serious attention. Another concern is the orientation of most of the official peace processes. If I may cite the Philippine experience again, a few years back, when Filipino women were demanding for a ceasefire and a seat at the peace negotiation table, the response they received were these questions: Who are you? Do you have an army? Did you carry guns? The premium to get a seat at the table is on the combatants—the rebels or the military; not on women who have been working for peace for decades.

I would like to end by emphasizing that we need to be careful with our messaging and be very strategic with our advocacy. We welcome the Security Council’s attention to the issue of women in armed conflict and their recognition that this is a matter of international peace and security. However, I want to stress that we want more women engaging in peace and security issues not necessarily to have more women in the military but rather more women actively involved in security policy making from a human security perspective.

Our agenda is NOT to make war safe for women; but to end the business of war. As long time peace activist and a good friend of ours, Cora Weiss always say: “we cannot make war safe for women.”

* A presentation at the AWID International Forum; April 21, 2012; Istanbul, Turkey
** International Network Coordinator, International Civil society Action Network-Global Network of Women Peacebuilders

Rhonda Copelon at the Mary C. Dunlap Lecture on Sex, Gender & Social Justice, Boalt Hall Law School, UC Berkeley, 2005. Photo by Jim Block.

I recently had the opportunity to attend the conference, Looking Forward: Rhonda Copelons’s Legacy in Action and the Future of International Women’s Human Rights Law, co-sponsored [...]]]> By: Anna Keye

Rhonda Copelon at the Mary C. Dunlap Lecture on Sex, Gender & Social Justice, Boalt Hall Law School, UC Berkeley, 2005. Photo by Jim Block.

I recently had the opportunity to attend the conference, Looking Forward: Rhonda Copelons’s Legacy in Action and the Future of International Women’s Human Rights Law, co-sponsored by MADRE, the Center for Constitutional Rights, the CUNY Law Review Scholarship for Social Justice, and the International Women’s Human Rights Clinic at the CUNY School of Law. The conference took place on March 31^st, 2012 and was broken up into four panels: Sexual Rights Development under International Law; Reproductive Rights at Home and Abroad; Rape as a Form of Torture; and Domestic Implementation of International Human Rights Law. I was unable to attend every panel, however each panelist I heard spoke of their relationship to Rhonda Copelon and her impact on international women’s human rights law and the work they are currently doing.

I had never learned about Copelon’s work before the conference, but am impressed by the extent of her legacy. As demonstrated by speaker after speaker, Copelon was instrumental in the promotion of women’s rights and the use of international human rights law and bodies to defend, maintain, and expand women’s rights over the past four decades.

Throughout the conference I was continually amazed by how much my academic and professional career, and even much of my worldview, was made possible by Copelon’s pioneering vision and use of international law to protect and empower women. More importantly, I was struck by the many connections between Copelon’s work and the work of GNWP on Women, Peace, and Security. I found myself asking, “Would UNSCR 1325 and 1820 even exist without activists like Copelon?” A more fundamental question might be, “Would the current Women, Peace, and Security movement even be possible without the decades of organizing on women’s rights and Violence Against Women that precipitated it?” The answer? An obvious, “No!” The conference made me think of the history of the international women’s rights movement and other pioneers, like Charlotte Bunch, advocating “Women’s Rights as Human Rights” all the way back in the early 1990s.

Copelon, Bunch, and many others, opened up international debates on what human rights really mean, and the expansion of them to include women and other marginalized groups. Copelon specifically worked on issues such as: rape as a form of torture; the responsibility of individual governments and the international community to protect women from rape/torture; and the importance of economic and social rights for women. Copelon was also part of the effort to draft the Rome Statute, creating the International Criminal Court. She wrote extensively about the gendered nature of war, the use of rape during war, and was also part of the Women’s Caucus for Gender Justice that influenced the creation of the Rome Statute. The Caucus eventually became the Women’s Initiative for Gender Justice, an organization monitoring the ICC on gender justice issues. The Rome Statute is considered a major advancement in international law for a number of reasons, many of them related to international women’s rights. It is the first international treaty to identify systematic and widespread sexual violence as a Crime Against Humanity (and in some instances, Genocide). The Rome Statute mandates the hiring of staff with expertise in Gender and Sexual Violence as well as a “fair representation” of men and women among judges, prosecutors, and staff. There are also a number of protections within the ICC to prevent the re-traumatization of victims and witnesses. Check the Coalition for the ICC site for more examples.

Copelon was also a staunch supporter and defender of women’s rights in the United States, promoting the bold use of international law to defend the human rights of U.S. women, particularly their reproductive and sexual rights. For more information, please read her New York Times bio and CUNY Law School tribute. In short, Copelon was such an important figure in international women’s rights that it’s hard to imagine what current debates would even look like without her lasting influence.

As I was listening to the panelists, I was also struck by the realization that although Copelon never -to my knowledge-worked directly on UNSCR 1325, for example, her work on women’s rights and human rights in international law both coincided with and led directly into much of the gains in the last decade on Women, Peace, and Security issues. It wasn’t until the closing remarks of the conference by Celina Romany though, a co-founder of the Women’s Human Rights Clinic at CUNY, as well as the Director of the Center for Human Rights, Inter-American University of Puerto Rico School of Law, that the words, “women” and “peace” were mentioned together. Romany spoke of the importance of women’s involvement in peace negotiations as one area for activists and legal communities to look ahead to, firmly placing Women, Peace, and Security issues within the international women’s rights agenda. I couldn’t agree with her more, and something tells me, neither could Copelon.

Much of Copelon’s underlying philosophies and her advice to other lawyers and activists, as described by Vince Warren, Executive Director of the Center for Constitutional Rights, are directly aligned with current mandates and norms guiding Women, Peace, and Security efforts. Copelon’s novel advice? First, “surface gender.” In other words, analyze an issue through a gendered lens and look at how men and women are affected differently. This practice often reveals inequalities and human rights abuses that were previously invisible. The “gender perspective” mandated by UNSCR 1325, and a major tenet of international NGO organizing in the last 10-15 years, is just one of many examples of “surfacing gender.” Second? “Align with those most affected.” I cannot think of a better definition of “those most affected” than women experiencing conflict.

As our members at GNWP and other women in conflict zones will tell you, and so many filmmakers and journalists have already documented, women and girls bear the brunt of modern warfare. They are absolutely the most affected. Thus, advocating for their rights- not only their rights to physical security and necessary resources, but also their rights to be heard, to be visible, to be included at the peace table, and to be decision makers on issues that are directly affecting them, is clearly in line with Copelon’s approach. Furthermore, by emphasizing women’s participation at the peace table and a gender analysis of conflict, women peace activists and advocates are demanding that the idea of security be expanded from a state and military-centered definition, to one based on the security of individuals. A definition that places the security of women on equal footing with the security of borders and economic interests. Focusing on gender not only necessitates a different concept of security, but it also questions traditional solutions to conflict. GNWP will address these issues this week during the panel “Militarism, Violence, and Conflict” at the upcoming AWID Forum in Turkey.

Listening to the panelists speak of Copelon’s “vision” and her use of international law was inspirational to say the least. The gains Copelon and many others made in the last couple decades have created an international human rights framework that offers important protections, but unfortunately, few results. The same can be said for Women, Peace, and Security efforts in the last decade. In continuing the theme of the conference, “Looking Forward,” we must demand women’s inclusion in peace negotiations by the UN, and that proper funding is allocated for the implementation of UNSCR 1325, 1820, and the supporting resolutions. The laws and mechanisms are there, now it’s time to focus on results.

About the Author: Anna Keye is currently working as a Research Consultant on GNWP’s publication Women Count 2012 Security Council Resolution 1325: Civil Society Monitoring Report.  She is dedicated to women’s human rights issues and wrote her graduate thesis on the women’s movement for peace in Liberia .  Anna has also worked at the economic development organization, Pro Mujer, Inc., and interned at the international women’s rights organization, MADRE.  She graduated from the New School with a BA in Urban Studies in 2006 and finished her Master’s in International Relations from City College in February 2011. Follow Anna on twitter at @anna_keye

The following article was first published in Issue Number 25: April 2012 of Kenyan Woman

Her peace efforts in the region will never pass unnoticed. When war- ring communities in West Pokot, Mt Elgon and Uasin Gishu were on the verge of unleashing terror at each other, she stood her ground in [...]]]> By Kennedy Kibet

The following article was first published in Issue Number 25: April 2012 of Kenyan Woman

GNWP was proud to be part of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) this year, along with several thousand other women (and men). The two weeks of CSW56 were exciting and very busy. The priority theme for this year’s CSW was: The empowerment of rural women and their [...]]]> By: Anna Keye

GNWP was proud to be part of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) this year, along with several thousand other women (and men). The two weeks of CSW56 were exciting and very busy. The priority theme for this year’s CSW was: The empowerment of rural women and their role in poverty and hunger eradication, development and current challenges. By targeting rural women, the CSW addressed the particularly difficult challenges and concerns facing these women and the fact that the majority of the world’s poor are rural women. Through GNWP’s work monitoring UNSCR 1325 and the implementation of local National Action Plans (NAPs), it is very aware of the challenges facing rural women throughout the world. Nowhere are these challenges more apparent than in conflict and post conflict countries. Rural women face illiteracy, poverty, and lack of access to health care in much greater numbers than women in cities. Furthermore, poor infrastructure and lack of public transportation can leave them isolated.

GNWP is also excited that so many representatives from its member organizations were able to attend the CSW. Members from Canada, Kosovo, Liberia, the Philippines, Nepal, Sierra Leone, Burundi, The DRC, and Rwanda were present and spoke at a number of events, bringing important, on the ground, perspectives to the CSW.

GNWP events at CSW 56

Mr. Stan Nkwain, Chief Policy and Planning Division/BCPR-UNDP speaking on Multi-stakeholders’ Financing Mechanism for Resolution 1325.

In line with the review theme, Financing for gender equality and the empowerment of women, GNWP, in collaboration with the Mission of the Netherlands to the United Nations and UNDP, co-sponsored the panel discussion, Investing in Peace, Investing in Women, on the impact of current financing on UNSCR 1325. The event featured Jose Utrera from Cordaid; Catherine Mabobori, former Member of Parliament of the Republic of Burundi and Vice Chair of the National Steering Committee on Burundi’s National Action Plan on UNSCR 1325; Mr. Stan Nkwain, Chief Policy and Planning Division/BCPR-UNDP; and Mr. Peter Van de Vliet, Deputy Permanent Representative of the Mission of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the UN. GNWP’s International Coordinator, Mavic Cabrera Balleza, facilitated the event.

Nkwain emphasized that the spirit of UNSCR 1325 is to learn from past conflicts and the necessity to focus on successful reintegration of ex-combatants back into their communities. All the panelists spoke to the importance of financing women working in post conflict countries to continue their work for peace. Utrera, speaking to the need to include women in peace building and reconciliation from the start to ensure more positive outcomes noted, “Where women are oppressed and marginalized, societies become more dangerous and breed intolerance. Subjugation of women is a threat to the common security of our world.” Nobel Peace Laureate Leymah Gbowee’s presence at the event and the high attendance, underscore the importance of financing UNSCR 1325 adequately and the need for the UN, governments, and civil society to address this issue.

GNWP’s second event, Violence against Women, Economic Empowerment and Rural Women in Conflict-Affected Situations, co-sponsored by GNWP and United Methodist Women, featured one of its members, Eli Gashi, of Kosovo. Gashi, the chair of the board of Kosova Women’s Network (member of GNWP) and the Executive Director of Alter Habitus – Institute for Studies in Culture and Society, spoke of the difficulty in getting to school every day as a girl. There are still disparities in access to education between girls and boys even though the war ended 13 years ago and 56% of Kosovar women are unemployed. The Kosova Women’s Network continues to advocate for the rights of rural girls to go to school, proper bus service, and women’s employment.

The second speaker, Beatrice Fofanah of United Methodist Women, Sierra Leone, described her experience as a young rural woman during the civil war that ravaged her country for years. As is true for many civil conflicts, the war in Sierra Leone was predominantly a rural war– leaving rural women and girls particularly vulnerable to attacks, sexual violence, and looting by roaming armed groups. Fofanah described her and her mother’s experiences during the conflict and their life in Internally Displaced Camps. Both Gashi and Fofanah’s stories exemplify some of the added burdens experienced by rural women, including poor access to education and narrow economic opportunities.

The event also featured the Project Girl Performance Collective, a group, of young women who use theater and music to raise awareness of domestic and global issues affecting women and girls. The group performed a number of monologues and songs on violence against women during times of conflict. They also encouraged the audience to use social media, such as Facebook and Twitter to spread the word about the issue, and to make individual commitments for addressing violence against women.

Women Peace and Security Conversation Circles and Agreed Conclusions

GNWP and Eng Aja Eze Foundation co-organized two conversation circles on Women, Peace, and Security and Violence Against Women (WPS/VAW). The purpose of the conversation circles was to come up with concrete suggestions on the language of the Agreed Conclusions, the outcome document of the CSW. Additionally, they served as a way for civil society members to discuss specific topics under WPS and VAW. The first conversation circle took place on February 27th and was attended by more than 100 people. The second circle took place on March 6th. Attendees included civil society as well as government delegates.

Discussing recommendations at the second Conversation Circle.

GNWP is disappointed that the suggestions for the draft Agreed Conclusions that came out of the conversation circles were not only never included, but that the Agreed Conclusions were not adopted at all this year by the Commission on the Status of Women (more information available at UNWomen.) We hope that member states continue to work towards adopting the Agreed Conclusions and that the important issues raised at this year’s CSW concerning rural women are taken into consideration in future negotiations. Please find the suggestions from the conversation circles for the draft Agreed Conclusions here.

GNWP Members at the CSW

Other events featuring GNWP members and partners were Rural Women and Political Leadership, organized by the Women’s NGO Secretariat of Liberia (WONGOSOL); Assessing the Impact of Resolution 1325 in the Mano River and Great Lakes Regions in Africa, organized by Femmes Africa Solidarité (FAS) and featuring Catherine Mabobori from Burundi and Dr. Nana Pratt from Sierra Leone; and The Quest for Convergence: Military Spending and MDGs organized by Canadian Women’s Voices of Women for Peace and featuring GNWP supporters Marilou McPhedran and Cora Weiss.

GNWP also took the opportunity to hold a members’ meeting. Members and partners from different countries were able to come together and share experiences and impressions. There was a lively discussion about the challenges and lessons learned from the 2011 UNSCR 1325 Monitoring Report project as well as ways to improve the project for 2012. Other issues raised were the need to leverage the data and information revealed in the monitoring reports for both local and international advocacy efforts.

GNWP had the honor to host a luncheon with Honorable Stephen Gaojia, Sierra Leone Minister of Social Welfare, Gender, and Children’s Affairs, and members of the Sierra Leone delegation to discuss GNWP’s initiative UNSCR1325 and Formulation of Local Legislation that GNWP is scheduled to carry out in Sierra Leone this summer. The project  has been successfully implemented in Burundi, Nepal, and the Philippines.

CSW56 Conclusions

CSW56 was a great way for women activists all over the world to come together, discuss important issues, and hopefully influence civil society, the UN, and governments to include women in all decision making efforts. GNWP was disappointed that so many young activists were unable to attend due to U.S. visa restrictions, but thankful to its members, as well as all the other women who traveled long distances in order to share their wisdom, stories, and experiences. GNWP’s hope is that these experiences as well as the high attendance at the CSW, and the particularly high attendance at events on Women and Peace  and Security, and UNSCR 1325, will prompt the UN to increase funding for and promotion of the full implementation of UNSCR 1325 and the supporting resolutions. GNWP will keep up the monitoring, local implementation, and advocacy efforts and is looking forward to another year of organizing for peace.

Sexual violence in Colombia continues to be an invisible crime. The high prevalence of sexual violence against women in the context of the armed conflict is exacerbated due to the lack of government attention and the high levels of impunity [...]]]> By: Dawn Thomas

Sexual violence in Colombia continues to be an invisible crime. The high prevalence of sexual violence against women in the context of the armed conflict is exacerbated due to the lack of government attention and the high levels of impunity it allows for its perpetrators. The Colombian Constitutional Court reported that paramilitary actors, government forces and guerrilla groups inflict 90% of the sexual assaults on women. In the face of these findings, the Colombian government has shown little will to prevent sexual violence or combat impunity. Too often, cases against perpetrators of sexual violence brought before the criminal courts linger in formal investigations or trial phases. This creates increasing distrust in the judicial system and stops many women from reporting attacks. Hence, women do not feel supported by the national and local government and women become silent. The women who participated in the workshops echoed these findings with their personal stories. Members of gender-based organizations stated that sexual violence against women has become commonplace in their communities. Paramilitary actors continually rape women and local authorities remain reluctant and generally uninterested in cases of sexual violence and may even be involved in hiding facts to obscure justice. Consequently, internal displacement is an ongoing challenge for local women living near conflict activity who often leave their communities to escape its negative effects.

Still No National Action Plan for Colombia

Although, Colombia is a member state of the United Nations, it has not adopted a NAP for R1325, as many of our workshops participants put it, at the moment the resolution in Colombia only exists on paper. This may be a contributing factor as to why many local authorities and the majority of the women in our workshops had no knowledge of 1325. However, in spite of government inaction, gender-based organizations and civil society groups are still pushing for the implementation of the resolution. One way to do this would be for local governments to integrate elements of the international law into the development plans for the local communities. The implementation of R1325, along with true enforcement of local laws already in place that address sexual violence, displacement and the restitution of land, could have enormous potential to remedy the issues women are facing because of armed conflict and serve as a proper redress for women victims. However, pushing local governments to act on behalf of women’s issues may prove to be difficult according to many of our participants. Nonetheless it is not impossible. Actually, Rosa Emilia of CIASE, completed a workshop in Montes de Maria last month and the local authorities have agreed to include R1325 in the local plans and programs of the local government and in educational and cultural bureaus as well. So while it may be difficult it can still become a reality. This is a major accomplishment.

Every Drop Makes a River

Realistically, advocating for these laws faces many challenges ahead, and there is still a lot of work to do to bridge the gap between policy discussions and implementation and furthermore, connecting policy makers to the realities of women during armed conflict. Implementing policies takes time but little by little change does come about. Workshops make impact-slowly but surely.  Every drop makes a river. Optimistically, Colombia is in an opportune moment for integrating policies on women, peace and security with the recent election of new local governments that can inject these policies into local planning. This change could spark a transformation of societal and cultural values within local governments that allow new structural conditions to take place, namely those that make women a priority.

]]> http://www.gnwp.org/what-the-workshops-revealed-about-sexual-violence-moving-r1325-forward/feed 0 http://www.gnwp.org/gnwps-workshop-in-palmira-cali-on-un-scr-13251820 http://www.gnwp.org/gnwps-workshop-in-palmira-cali-on-un-scr-13251820#comments Wed, 15 Feb 2012 14:15:43 +0000 admin http://www.gnwp.org/?p=2027 The Cali workshop was conducted in the Semi-rural town of Palmira in the department of Valle del Cauca on Wednesday, February 8th. The curiosity surrounding the workshop was palpable as women poured in not only from Palmira but also nearby locations such as Candelaria, Yumbo, Buga, Tulua, Jamundi, Andalucia and Buenventura. Media presence [...]]]> The Cali workshop was conducted in the Semi-rural town of Palmira in the department of Valle del Cauca on Wednesday, February 8th. The curiosity surrounding the workshop was palpable as women poured in not only from Palmira but also nearby locations such as Candelaria, Yumbo, Buga, Tulua, Jamundi, Andalucia and Buenventura. Media presence filled the room as camera crews and journalists from local news and radio stations came to cover the workshop and form part of the group.

Lunch With Workshop Participants

The workshop proved to be a space of learning in the fact that out of the 20 participants, only 3 women –some who work in women’s organizations- had prior knowledge of a UNSCR 1325 or 1820. Upon this realization, the workshop took a tone of teaching and awareness raising as the primary objective of the meeting.

As the 3 pillars of the resolution were discussed, women listened carefully and took notes. It seemed that talk of UN SC Resolution 1325 gave women hope and the fact that they could play a role in its implementation gave them an extra impulse to learn as much as they could.

The public service announcements were also well received by the participants. Women agreed that if announcements were broadcast it would push the issue and allow for information to arrive directly to the people. Furthermore, these announcements would facilitate the message not only to the urban populations but rural populations that are hard to reach and also to members of the local government that may be uninformed about the resolution.

Beyond a space of learning it was also a space of revelation as participants began to discuss and respond to peace and security issues in their communities. Displacement was a reoccurring concern faced directly by women in the group or through working with women who had been displaced in attempt to escape violence caused by the armed conflict and/or sexual violence perpetrated by armed actors. “Women have been attacked, murdered and raped by paramilitaries actors and nothing is done about it because they have impunity, “ one woman shouted. Another participant explained that, “attacking a women is like a sport, men go in the streets and throw acid on women.” Women are dismayed by the fact that their persecutors can be out of jail within an hour.

Martha Quintero, member of the Red Nacional de Mujeres, reported that in a Balboa, Cauca, lesbian women are being killed by paramilitary groups because of their sexual orientation. Women have been found dead with their fingernails removed and their nipples cut off.

Another interesting element to the workshop was the shock women displayed when it was announced that Colombia was selected by the Special Representative of the Security General on sexual violence in conflict as a priority country because of its high level of sexual violence. The majority of women found this difficult to accept. Although they suffer and live with violence they did not realize that the scale of sexual violence in Colombia was so high that it had received international attention from the SRSG office and was on the list among countries such as the Congo.

Women in the workshop

A young female journalist was astonished because she believed that violence in Mexico was much worse than in Colombia. She had no idea that women were suffering to the extent that they were in her own country and community and had only heard the stories told in the workshop for the first time. She said, “as part of the press I feel like I should know all about the horrors that take place in my community, but I don’t …just like some of the Germans who supported Hitler but didn’t know of the horrors he committed.”

Overall, the participants found the workshop useful. There were of course many doubts and concerns as to how these resolutions can be implemented national or locally and lobbied to local governments who are said to be uninterested in sexual violence.

However, the first step is to raise women’s awareness of their rights and tools that are available to them such as UN SCR 1325 and 1820 because the resolution cannot be pushed for if women are not aware that it exists.

]]> http://www.gnwp.org/gnwps-workshop-in-palmira-cali-on-un-scr-13251820/feed 0 http://www.gnwp.org/gnwps-dawn-reports-on-buenaventura-workshop http://www.gnwp.org/gnwps-dawn-reports-on-buenaventura-workshop#comments Tue, 14 Feb 2012 18:46:02 +0000 admin http://www.gnwp.org/?p=2014

The Buenaventura workshop was held on Thursday, February 10th. Women trickled in during the first hour of the workshop until the room was filled with 31 women. The entirely Afro-Colombian group came from the city of Buenaventura and nearby neighborhoods such as San Francisco, Anmucic, Rural-Triana and Las Americas.

The [...]]]>

The Buenaventura workshop was held on Thursday, February 10^th. Women trickled in during the first hour of the workshop until the room was filled with 31 women. The entirely Afro-Colombian group came from the city of Buenaventura and nearby neighborhoods such as San Francisco, Anmucic, Rural-Triana and Las Americas.

The meeting opened up with introductions and then moved into the presentation of UN SCR 1325. When asked if any of the women had ever heard of R1325 only one woman in the group, who had been a participant of the prior workshop in Palmira the day before, had heard of the resolution. So in fact, none of the women had prior knowledge of its existence. Yet, this is not to say that the women had not been organizing and advocating for better conditions in their communities. Most of the women in the workshop belong to organizations that deal with gender based violence while others work to capacitate female farmers and advocate for their protection from violence in the countryside.

Mavic speaking about the 3P's of 1325

As the presentation of the UN SCR 1325 began, it became evident that the majority of the women did not understand the mechanisms of the United Nations or even the reason for its conception. Therefore, a quick summary of the United Nations was explained by Rosa Emilia Salamanca of CIASE and then International Coordinator of GNWP, Mavic Cabrera, explained the passing of resolution 1325 in 2000 and its most important pillars: the demand for protection of women on issues involving sexual violence in countries of armed conflict, increased involvement of women’s participation in decision making and resolution of conflicts and women’s participation in the prevention of future armed conflicts.

After the presentation, the women broke into groups with handouts on R1325 and its complimentary resolutions 1820, 1888, 1889 and 1960 to review and discuss if and how these resolutions could be helpful to them and their communities.

During feedback there was a mix of emotions ranging from excitement to anger and then to doubt. Women were first excited about the resolutions. Finally there was a law speaking to their situation that could benefit them and maybe put pressure on the government to confront gender based violence. Plus, the thought that they could participate in peace talks was an exciting aspect of the resolution. “Yet, it’s 2012 and we don’t know anything about this resolution,” one woman said. Some women shouted angrily, “Why don’t we know anything about this resolution!”

The revelation that the women had no prior knowledge of the resolution’s existence brought a cast of doubt about its effectiveness and applicability. Participants who work in organizations that deal specifically with gender based violence became pessimistic about how such an important resolution that seemed so far away could arrive to help poor women of the barrio and rural women of the campo if they themselves had known nothing about it and especially since it had not helped them yet. They felt as if the resolution had been hidden from them.

Port City of Buenaventura

Their reservations were understandable. The women of Buenaventura are directly affected by the armed conflict and have to survive in the midst of it daily. Many participants had lost family members due to the conflict while others had been displaced from their rural communities because of it or because of land reforms that violently forced them off their land. Another woman reported that her 16 year-old stepson was allegedly murdered by a paramilitary actor.

“The violence in Buenaventura is getting worse and worse. Women don’t have protection. If we are attacked, we are afraid to make a complaint. We have no support that’s why we stay quiet. For us this law is only on paper!”

Although their doubts weighed heavily on the workshop, it served as important feedback and demonstrates how disconnected international policies are from action on the ground and how national and local authorities are from the realities women confront daily in the face of armed conflict.

Mavic, stressed to the women, “Although you may feel that this resolution is only on paper and can’t change your lives, it is a starting point and we have to first become aware. If we think like this we are not at a good starting point.”

And both presenters made clear that “this tool (R1325) is not magic….we have to continue to fight for our rights….the situation will not change overnight but there is hope in coming together!”

Group work on 1325 and its supporting Resolution

By the end of the workshop the women went from uninformed to informed and empowered with a renewed desire to continue their fight for gender justice and work together to find strategies to push for implementation of Resolution 1325 in their local communities.

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